Problèmes de morphophonologie nominale en langue bamun (shüpamem)

Abstract : The following thesis investigates, built on the direct interface hypothesis (Scheer 2011, Lowenstamm 1999, Guerssel & Lowenstamm 1990) and the non-lexicalist minimalist view of the grammar (Halle & Marantz 1993), the importance of suprasegmental information (Leben 1973) in morphology. It crosses, for this purpose, the phenomenology of the left margin of nouns in Bamum (Niger-Congo, Bantu Grassfields, EasternGrassfields Bantu, Nun) (Hyman & Voorhoeve 1980), a noun class language spoken in Cameroon, and the agreement relationship between noun class affixes and the root.Nasality, a peculiar feature in the language, is used to trace the course of the derivation of Bamum nouns constructed from a postulated a-categorial root (Acquaviva 2009) and functional heads (Marantz 1997). Through the allophonic selection of segments in C1 and the allomorphic selection of the nominal prefix, we see that its mode of anchoring on the metrical tier via an iambic foot (Hayes 1985) and the way it invests the strong position (Ségéral & Scheer 2001) on the skeletal tier, determine the configuration of the bamum nominal template. Thus, the observed gender-number-diminutive syncretism in these nominal forms is more a consequence of a segmental dissimilation, at the origin of the tonal nature of the morphological plural, than the result of an operation of impoverishment (Bonet 1991) which will completely delete the information of gender. When not expressed, gender is marked by a diminutive morpheme with referential reading, which occupies the initial CV site, proven existing and never licensed in Bamum, a not so hypothetical language of exclusively Nasal-Obstruent initial clusters.
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Solange Pawou Molu. Problèmes de morphophonologie nominale en langue bamun (shüpamem). Linguistique. Université Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. Français. ⟨NNT : 2018USPCC060⟩. ⟨tel-02165925⟩

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