Abstract : With our initial intention to be liberated from the definitions -- technical, technocratic or those emanating from the sociology of the social appropriation of ICT uses -- in order to analyze the usage of the Internet in women's and feminist organizations in Africa, we focused in this thesis on theoretical work relating to patriarchy and the coloniality of power (totality of social relations characterized by subalternity -- hierarchization between the dominants and the dominated -- produced by the expansion of capitalism.) This position enabled us to establish a working analytical framework without imposing Western, South American or Asian theoretical analyses on Africa. It also facilitated how we expressed the problematic of the relationship between male domination and the domination inherent in the coloniality of power, which we have called "colonialtairian" in the context of globalization and hypermodernity. The differentiated manifestations of this relationship in South Africa and Senegal helped us delineate the field and context within which local women's or feminist organizations use or don't use the Internet. Comparing their representations within the conceptual framework proved edifying and indispensable in determining the politicization of their use. It thus became apparent that among the information and communication technologies, the Internet crystallizes one means by which the "Information Society" is both the product and the production of a hypermodern globalization in which the systems of coloniality of power and patriarchy function conjointly. This conjunction is clearly evidenced both theoretically and empirically. Especially noteworthy is that the epistemology used in this context reconnects to traditionalistic, nationalistic, paternalistic and male constructions of knowledge echoing what this tool facilitates: a rapid increase of the appropriation of women's bodies, the dominants' rhetorical and political grandstanding, the institutionalization of concepts, the Westernization of thought, privatization in all sectors and criss-crossing competition throughout the West, the Far East and Middle East in economic, political, socio-cultural and religious areas. It then appeared that gender inequalities worsen at the same time as sexual identities on all levels (state, institutions, population) are buried away, while differentiated "race" and class relationships become more pronounced. Encouraged by this assessment, our analyses further show that grassroots women are pushed to take more and more responsibility in dealing with urgent matters (increasing poverty and violence, diminishing access to resources, health, education, etc.), sometimes even assuming their subalternity while using it as a negotiating tool with the dominants. Thus, little by little, women's or feminist organizations have refined new modalities of political action. Facing a multifaceted regression, these organizations have to modify their approach. Today it is more a question of preserving rather than fighting for women's rights, more a question of defense than subversion. So as not to be overly alarmist or pessimistic, we attempted to nuance the reality of this double domination, and opted for a reflexive analysis of these organizations' representations of the virtual. Innovative approaches to Internet usage, at the margins of a vision of communication principally based on marketing and corporate identity, came to light. They encourage the emergence of women or young people's "unlearned" knowledge dedicated to creating the bases of a feminist citizenship. The epistemic spark set off by this choice led us to the conclusion that its political effects not only question democracy but also subvert the command to "be connected" by the informal nature of this preference.